PLATO STUDENT OF EGYPTIAN MYSTERY SYSTEM.

PLATO, ANOTHER GREEK GRADUATE OF OUR ANCESTORS’ MYSTERY SYSTEM.

(Adapted from Naiwu Osahon’s book: THE END OF KNOWLEDGE)

By Naiwu Osahon

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Treat the documents we send you with respect because you need to arm yourself with the knowledge we provide. If you cannot read all of the document at once because of time constrains, file it to read later to arm yourself well for the future. Every African receiving documents from me is free to post them on their timeline and send copies to everyone they can reach via e-mails, through blogs, other internet groups, sites or newspapers to publish as a means of informing every African alive and mobilizing us into one family.
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Plato (427-347 BCE), was said to be the son of Apollo. He was a disciple of Socrates. Hermodorus tells us that Plato, at the age of 28, while fleeing from Athens after the death of Socrates, spent ten years visiting Euclid at Megara, the Pythagoreans in Italy, Dionysius in Sicily, and the Mystery System in Egypt. He was initiated into some of the Mystery Schools in Egypt. He returned to Athens and opened an Academy, where he taught for 20 years. His doctrines, which cover a wide area of literature, consists of 36 dialogues that some scholars ascribe to Socrates, which Plato as a pupil should have published in Socrates’ name after Socrates’ death. However, all Plato’s doctrines like his teacher’s, Socrates, are of Egyptian origin.

His Theory of Ideas was illustrated with reference to the phenomena of nature being a distinction between the idea or noumena and their copies, the phenomena; and between the real and unreal by the application of the principle of opposites. The Egyptians’ male and female Gods and pairs of pillars in front of Egyptian temples manifested these. His doctrine of the Mind, or Nous, teaches that if God had made the world as perfect as the nature of matter allowed, God must have endowed it with perfect soul. That this soul acts as mediator between the ideas and natural phenomena, and is the cause of life, motion, order, and knowledge, in the universe. This doctrine is the same as the “Open Eye,” idea of the Egyptian temples, which modern Masonic Lodges use to symbolize the omniscience and omnipotence of the Egyptian God Osiris.

His doctrine of the Demiurge and the created God, teaches that the world was produced by Fire, through a process of transformation; and that since all things originate from Fire, then Fire is the Logos. This is identical with Heracleitus’ doctrine of the Logos, and both are derived from the Memphite Theology of the Atom, the Sun God in the creation story. His doctrine of the Summum Bonum or the Greatest Good, teaches that the purpose of man’s life is freedom from the fetters of the body in which the soul is confined, and that the practice of virtue and wisdom, makes him like a God, even while on earth. This doctrine is straight from the Theory of Salvation of the Egyptian Mystery System.

His doctrine of the Ideal State is that in a state, virtue should be the chief aim, and unless philosophers become rulers, or rulers become thorough students of philosophy, there will be increasing troubles for states and humanity at large. His Ideal State is modeled upon the attributes of the soul and justice, as contained in the allegory of the charioteer and the winged steed. This doctrine is stolen from the Judgment Drama of the Egyptian Book of the Dead. His doctrines of virtue and wisdom originated from the Egyptian Mystery System requiring ten virtues in order to subjugate the ten bodily impediments.

Plato also spoke of nature’s three aspects with ‘unity’ as the One Source. He believed in the total unity of nature and the unity is God, which is reality and truth while division is an illusion. He harped on Monotheism as the existence of one life in which all organisms are segments of one whole. The whole, which is God, sustains the universe by permeating everything. He taught that man is the child of the gods internalizing the spirit of the Monad and exteriorizing “the gods,” or different levels or relative truths.

In Plato’s Timaeus, twelve groups of ‘junior gods’ ignited everlasting Flame of universal Intelligence, and came down to the physical world to elevate man by uniting him with his intellectual capacities ‘to weave together mortal and immortal natures.’ The Chaldean idea of the Great Year is spelt out in Plato’s Timaeus. In that year, the planets would meet, causing upheaval of cosmic dimensions. Plato also hinted at the Chaldean idea that catastrophe was designed to purify the world and its people. The New World that would result would be rid of the problems of old age, and death. This, of course, was re-assuring news to people raked with diseases, aging and poverty. The idea was not novel; it permeates most ancient faiths.

For him, animal life is bestowed with a tiny fragment of God. The rest, which the Greeks call the ‘daemon’, is concealed, and yet continues to guide man through cyclic reincarnations to perfect unity and truth. This model is not peculiar to living organisms but to all creations, animate and inanimate. Each being or object, is one whole in nature, out of which a succession of diversity suspend indefinitely. The material body is the fatal body of an Immortal Divinity. Man is a small step of spiritual activity in God’s cosmic consciousness and unity. For Plato, mind was there before matter, but having become part of matter, is constantly seeking to free itself and return to God. The soul originated from God and strives to return to God failing which it disintegrates in lower bodies. That if there is soul after death; it must have been there before birth. What we behold is not reality but image projection of mind and soul on matter.

Having sworn to secrecy as an initiate of the Egyptian Mysteries, he was constrained to discuss the method of regeneration available to man. He provided some hints now and again in his writing. The first requirement appeared to be the actualization of reality and truth and the dedication of ones whole being and energy to a life of perfection. The gods were the most perfect manifestations of truth. Heroes and enlightened men, who had achieved cosmic consciousness, followed the gods in hierarchy. They were considered demi-gods. The rest of mankind and other life forms with low spiritual and divine discipline had underdeveloped bodies, which Plato described as the ‘sepulchres of the soul.’ That the three parts of man are desires, appetites, will and reason, and that the greatest happiness is when reason rules appetites and desires.
The process of ascending in growth spans cycles of reincarnations. For him, reincarnation explains the mysteries of life perfectly. Plato taught that it is the responsibility of the wise to assist the growth of the uninformed. That the concept of community life, requires the community to teach children and citizens, individual labour, to the benefit of all. Men who think they are individuals are deceiving themselves. Every individual is part of the whole society, the realization of which helps develop man’s mental capacity to avoid doing evil. To Plato, learning was recollecting or recalling from accumulated unconscious wisdom of earlier lives. Study of the arts refined the passion, science, and developed reason. Increased knowledge provides a broad and useful vista of life. Reasoning is paramount. People must reason with critically isolated wisdom. Man needs to be familiar with the one divine principle, which sustains all diversity and truth, which manifest as intelligence in nature.

NAIWU OSAHON, Hon. Khu Mkuu (Leader) World Pan-African Movement); Spiritual Prince of the African race; MSc. (Salford); Dip.M.S; G.I.P.M; Dip.I.A (Liv.); D. Inst. M; G. Inst. M; G.I.W.M; A.M.N.I.M. Poet, Author of the magnum opus: ‘The end of knowledge’. One of the world’s leading authors of children’s books; Awarded; key to the city of Memphis, Tennessee, USA; Honourary Councilmanship, Memphis City Council; Honourary Citizenship, County of Shelby; Honourary Commissionership, County of Shelby, Tennessee; and a silver shield trophy by Morehouse College, USA, for activities to unite and uplift the African race.

Naiwu Osahon, renowned author, philosopher of science, mystique, leader of the world Pan-African Movement.plato

 

Why we hate ourselves: Willie Lynch Syndrome.

Willie Lynch Syndrome
“I have no desire to take all black people back to Africa; there are blacks who are no good here and will likewise be no good there.” Marcus Garvey

In the previous blog posted on this blog page I posted the book Black Skin White Mask as the book of the month largely because it deals with psychology of people of African descents. Since I figured our problem is more psychological than physical. (In subsequent blogs two chapters from the book Black Skin White Mask will be posted on this blog to further address the psychological problem of people of African descent).

In this blog we move to address another issue in dire need of our attention, however, still psychological in nature.

Often times I have heard Africans in Diaspora say Africans in Motherland hates them and vice versa  to my surprise most African Diaspora I have met are very nice people (albeit on the internet since I have never been outside of Africa before) but the fact still remain valid. But the question on my mind is do we really hate ourselves? If so Why? As a matter of personal opinion I do not think we hate ourselves, my personal experience compels me to think otherwise.

Nevertheless, quest to get to the root of this alleged hatred, illogical violence between Africans at home and in Diaspora and within African communities yield result to my dismay it was not futile as expected.

The Willy Lynch Strategy is synonymous to divide and conquer strategy to a large extent it is responsible for this hatred that plague the relationship between Africans at home and in Diaspora and violence in our communities.

Who is Willie Lynch? What’s the Willie Lynch Strategy all about? The following will answer the questions.

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THE SLAVE CONSULTANT’S NARRATIVE
Gentlemen, I greet you here on the bank of the James River in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and twelve. First, I shall thank you, the gentlemen of the Colony of Virginia, for bringing me here. I am here to help you solve some of your problems with slaves.

Your invitation reached me on my modest plantation in the West Indies where I have experimented with some of the newest and still the oldest methods for control of slaves. Ancient Rome would envy us if my program is implemented. As our boat sailed south on the James River, named for our illustrious King, whose version of the Bible we cherish, I saw enough to know that your problem is not unique. While Rome used cords of wood as crosses for standing human bodies along its old highways in great numbers you are here using the tree and the rope on occasion.

I caught a whiff of a dead slave hanging from a tree a couple of miles back. You are not only losing valuable stock by hangings, you are having uprisings, slaves are running away, your crops are sometimes left in the fields too long for maximum profit, you suffer occasional fires, your animals are killed. Gentlemen, you know what your problems are; I do not need to elaborate. I am not here to enumerate your problems, I am here to introduce you to a method of solving them.

In my bag here, I have a fool proof method for controlling your Black slaves. I guarantee everyone of you that if installed correctly it will control the slaves for at least 300 years. My method is simple. Any member of your family or your overseer can use it.

I have outlined a number of differences among the slave
s; and I take these differences and make them bigger. I use fear, distrust, and envy for control purposes. These methods have worked on my modest plantation in the West Indies and it will work throughout the South. Take this simple little list of differences, and think about them. On top of my list is “Age”, the second is “Color” or shade, there is intelligence, size, sex, size of plantations, status on plantation, attitude of owners, whether the slaves live in the valley, on a hill, East, West, North, South, have fine hair or coarse hair, or is tall or short. Now that you have a list of differences, I shall give you an outline of action- but before that I shall assure you that distrust is stronger than adulation; respect or admiration.

The Black slave after receiving this indoctrination shall carry on and will become self re-fueling and self-generating for hundreds of years, maybe thousands.

Don’t forget you must pitch the old Black vs. the young Black male, and the young Black male against the old Black male. You must use the dark skin slave vs. the light skin slaves and the light skin slaves vs. the dark skin slaves. You must use the female vs. the male, and the male vs. the female. You must also have your White servants and overseers distrust all Blacks, but it is necessary that your slaves trust and depend on us. They must love, respect, and trust only us.
Gentlemen, these Kits are your Keys to control. Use them. Have your wives and children use them, never miss opportunity. If used intensely for one year, the slaves themselves will remain perpetually distrustful.

Thank you, gentlemen.

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In light of the above: The Willie Lynch Syndrome. It will be counterproductive as much as it will ripen the catastrophic potentials of the marriage of negligence and ignorance if we turn blind eye to issue of such magnitude. This issue must be address and tackled head on if we must leave the arid and sterile region of disunity.

Kush

Young African Pioneers

yaps.org@gmail.com

 

Book of the Month: Black Skin White Mask.

Book of the Month: Black Skin White Mask.

INTRODUCTION

 I am talking of millions of men who have been skillfully injected with fear,

inferiority complexes, trepidation, servility, despair, abasement.

—Aimé Césaire, Discours sur le Colonialisme

 

The explosion will not happen today. It is too soon . . . or toolate.

I do not come with timeless truths.

My consciousness is not illuminated with ultimate radiances.

Nevertheless, in complete composure, I think it would be good

if certain things were said.

These things I am going to say, not shout. For it is a long time since shouting has gone out of my life. So very long. . . .

Why write this book? No one has asked me for it.

Especially those to whom it is directed.

Well? Well, I reply quite calmly that there are too many idiots in this world. And having said it, I have the burden of proving it.

Toward a new humanism. . . .

Understanding among men. . . .

Our colored brothers. . . .

Mankind, I believe in you. . . .

Race prejudice. . . .

To understand and to love. . . .

From all sides dozens and hundreds of pages assail me and try

to impose their wills on me. But a single line would be enough.

Supply a single answer and the color problem would be stripped of all its importance.

What does a man want?

What does the black man want?

At the risk of arousing the resentment of my colored brothers,

I will say that the black is not a man.

There is a zone of nonbeing, an extraordinarily sterile and arid region, an utterly naked declivity where an authentic upheaval can be born. In most cases, the black man lacks the advantage of being able to accomplish this descent into a real hell

Man is not merely a possibility of recapture or of negation. If it is true that consciousness is a process of transcendence, we have to see too that this transcendence is haunted by the problems

of love and understanding. Man is a yes that vibrates to cosmic harmonies. Uprooted, pursued, baffled, doomed to watch the dissolution of the truths that he has worked out for himself one after another, he has to give up projecting onto the world an antinomy that coexists with him.

The black is a black man; that is, as the result of a series of aberrations of affect, he is rooted at the core of a universe from which he must be extricated.

The problem is important. I propose nothing short of the liberation of the man of color from himself. We shall go very slowly, for there are two camps: the white and the black.

Stubbornly we shall investigate both metaphysics and we shall find that they are often quite fluid.

We shall have no mercy for the former governors, the former missionaries. To us, the man who adores the Negro is as “sick” as the man who abominates him.

Conversely, the black man who wants to turn his race white is as miserable as he who preaches hatred for the whites.

In the absolute, the black is no more to be loved than the Czech, and truly what is to be done is to set man free.

This book should have been written three years ago. . . . But these truths were a fire in me then. Now I can tell them without being burned. These truths do not have to be hurled in men’s faces.

They are not intended to ignite fervor. I do not trust fervor.

Every time it has burst out somewhere, it has brought fire, famine, misery. . . . And contempt for man.

Fervor is the weapon of choice of the impotent.

Of those who heat the iron in order to shape it at once. I should prefer to warm man’s body and leave him. We might reach this result: mankind retaining this fire through self-combustion.

Mankind set free of the trampoline that is the resistance of others, and digging into its own flesh to find a meaning.

Only a few of those who read this book will understand the problems that were encountered in its composition.

In an age when skeptical doubt has taken root in the world,when in the words of a gang of salauds it is no longer possible to fi nd the sense of non-sense, it becomes harder to penetrate to a level where the categories of sense and non-sense are not yet invoked.

The black man wants to be white. The white man slaves to reach a human level.

In the course of this essay we shall observe the development of an effort to understand the black-white relation.

The white man is sealed in his whiteness.

The black man in his blackness.

We shall seek to ascertain the directions of this dual narcissism and the motivations that inspire it.

At the beginning of my speculations it seems inappropriate to elaborate the conclusions that the reader will find.

Concern with the elimination of a vicious circle has been the only guide-line for my efforts.

There is a fact: White men consider themselves superior to black men.

There is another fact: Black men want to prove to white men, at all costs, the richness of their thought, the equal value of their intellect.

How do we extricate ourselves?

A moment ago I spoke of narcissism. Indeed, I believe that only a psychoanalytical interpretation of the black problem can lay bare the anomalies of affect that are responsible for the structure of the complex. I shall attempt a complete lysis of this morbid body. I believe that the individual should tend to take on the universality inherent in the human condition. And when I say this, I am thinking impartially of men like Gobineau or women like Mayotte Capécia. But, in order to arrive at this judgment, it is imperative to eliminate a whole set of defects left over from childhood.

Man’s tragedy, Nietzsche said, is that he was once a child. None the less, we cannot afford to forget that, as Charles Odier has shown us, the neurotic’s fate remains in his own hands.

However painful it may be for me to accept this conclusion, I am obliged to state it: For the black man there is only one destiny.

And it is white.

Before beginning the case, I have to say certain things. The analysis that I am undertaking is psychological. In spite of this it is apparent to me that the effective disalienation of the black

man entails an immediate recognition of social and economic realities. If there is an inferiority complex, it is the outcome of a double process:

—primarily, economic;

—subsequently, the internalization—or, better, the epidermalization— of this inferiority.

Reacting against the constitutionalist tendency of the late nineteenth century, Freud insisted that the individual factor be taken into account through psychoanalysis. He substituted for a phylogenetic theory the ontogenetic perspective. It will be seen that the black man’s alienation is not an individual question.

Beside phylogeny and ontogeny stands sociogeny. In one sense, conforming to the view of Leconte and Damey,1 let us say that this is a question of a sociodiagnostic.

What is the prognosis?

But society, unlike biochemical processes, cannot escape human influences. Man is what brings society into being. The prognosis is in the hands of those who are willing to get rid of the worm-eaten roots of the structure.

The black man must wage his war on both levels: Since historically they influence each other, any unilateral liberation is incomplete, and the gravest mistake would be to believe in their automatic interdependence. Besides, such a systematic tendency is contrary to the facts. This will be proved.

Reality, for once, requires a total understanding. On the objective level as on the subjective level, a solution has to be supplied.

 

1. M. Leconte and A. Damey, Essai critique des nosographies psychiatriques

actuelles.

 

And to declare in the tone of “it’s-all-my-fault” that what matters is the salvation of the soul is not worth the effort.

There will be an authentic disalienation only to the degree to which things, in the most materialistic meaning of the word, will have been restored to their proper places.

It is good form to introduce a work in psychology with a statement of its methodological point of view. I shall be derelict.

I leave methods to the botanists and the mathematicians. There is a point at which methods devour themselves.

I should like to start from there. I shall try to discover the various attitudes that the Negro adopts in contact with white civilization.

The “jungle savage” is not what I have in mind. That is because for him certain factors have not yet acquired importance.

I believe that the fact of the juxtaposition of the white and black races has created a massive psychoexistential complex. I hope by analyzing it to destroy it.

Many Negroes will not fi nd themselves in what follows.

This is equally true of many whites.

But the fact that I feel a foreigner in the worlds of the schizophrenic or the sexual cripple in no way diminishes their reality.

The attitudes that I propose to describe are real. I have encountered them innumerable times.

Among students, among workers, among the pimps of Pigalle or Marseille, I have been able to isolate the same components of aggressiveness and passivity.

This book is a clinical study. Those who recognize themselves in it, I think, will have made a step forward. I seriously hope to persuade my brother, whether black or white, to tear off with all his strength the shameful livery put together by centuries of incomprehension.

The architecture of this work is rooted in the temporal. Every human problem must be considered from the standpoint of time.

Ideally, the present will always contribute to the building of thefuture.

And this future is not the future of the cosmos but rather the future of my century, my country, my existence. In no fashion should I undertake to prepare the world that will come later. Ibelong irreducibly to my time.

And it is for my own time that I should live. The future should be an edifi ce supported by living men. This structure is connected to the present to the extent that I consider the present in terms of something to be exceeded.

The fi rst three chapters deal with the modern Negro. I take the black man of today and I try to establish his attitudes in the white world. The last two chapters are devoted to an attempt at a psychopathological and philosophical explanation of the state of being a Negro.

The analysis is, above all, regressive.

The fourth and fi fth chapters rest on a fundamentally different basis.

In the fourth chapter I examine a work2 that in my opinion is dangerous. The author, O. Mannoni, is, moreover, aware of the ambiguity of his position. That perhaps is one of the merits of his evidence. He has tried to account for a situation. It is our right to say that we are not satisfi ed. It is our duty to show the author how we differ from him.

The fifth chapter, which I have called The Fact of Blackness, is important for more than one reason. It portrays the Negro face to face with his race. It will be observed that there is no

common link between the Negro of this chapter and the Negro who wants to go to bed with a white woman. In the latter there is clearly a wish to be white. A lust for revenge, in any case. Here, in contrast, we observe the desperate struggles of a Negro who is driven to discover the meaning of black identity. White civilization and European culture have forced an existential deviation on the Negro. I shall demonstrate elsewhere that what is often called the black soul is a white man’s artifact.

2. [Dominique] O. Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology of Colonization

(New York, Praeger, 1964). Originally Psychologie de la Colonisation (Paris,

Editions du Seuil, 1950).

 

The educated Negro, slave of the spontaneous and cosmic Negro myth, feels at a given stage that his race no longer understands him.

Or that he no longer understands it.

Then he congratulates himself on this, and enlarging the difference, the incomprehension, the disharmony, he fi nds in them the meaning of his real humanity. Or more rarely he wants to belong to his people. And it is with rage in his mouth and abandon in his heart that he buries himself in the vast black abyss. We shall see that this attitude, so heroically absolute, renounces the present and the future in the name of a mystical past.

Since I was born in the Antilles, my observations and my conclusions are valid only for the Antilles—at least concerning the black man at home. Another book could be dedicated to

explaining the differences that separate the Negro of the Antilles from the Negro of Africa. Perhaps one day I shall write it. Perhaps too it will no longer be necessary—a fact for which we could only congratulate ourselves.

(click the title of the book to get the full pdf version)

Misconception of African American History.

Image“Until Lions tell their tales, the story of hunt will always glorify the hunters.”

History is written by the conqueror they say. There are some certain myths surrounding the abolition of slavery in America which we must shatter as a matter of necessity (by bringing to open and placing events in their factual and chronological framework).

The history of the African Diaspora in America is written as deem “appropriate” by the former slave masters which explains why the history is distorted, full of outright lies and myths.  The history is written and taught in such a way it oversimplify the institution of slavery and racism in America, and exonerate them (Former slave masters) of any wrong doing. Those who had embarked on the objective study of African American history will attest to these facts.

African Diaspora in America were taught and made to believe Abraham Lincoln abolished slavery out of good will and moral truism, they were also made to believe the war between North and South was fought deliberately to end slavery in America. But none of these assertions or statements as the case maybe contain one iota of truth. On the contrary the abolition of slavery in America had nothing to do with moral principle of one personality or the society at large; in fact it was about economic calculations. In words of Assata Shakur “the battle was between plantation slave economy and an industrial manufacturing economy.”

The following excerpt taken from Assata Shaukur’s autobiography will throw more light.

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Many of us have misconceptions about Black history in Amerika. What are taught in the public school system is usually in accurate, distorted, and packed full of outright lies. Among the most common lies are that Lincoln freed slaves, that the Civil War was fought to free the slaves, and that history of Black people in Amerika has consisted of slow but steady progress, that things have gotten better, bit by bit. Belief in these myths can cause us to make serious mistakes in analyzing our current situation and in planning future action.

Abraham Lincoln was in no way whatsoever a friend of black people. He had little concern for our plight. In his famous reply to Editor Horace Greeley in August, 1862, he openly stated:

“My paramount objective in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the union without freeing any slave, I would do it and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.”

Lincoln was elected president in 1860. Immediately afterward, South Carolina had a convention and unanimously voted to withdraw from the Union. Before he had even been inaugurated, Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas followed suit. In his inaugural speech on March 4, 1861, Lincoln said that slavery was legal under the constitution and that he had no right and no intention to abolish slavery. He further promised to enforce the Fugitive Slave Act, which permitted southern slave owner to “reclaim” their escaped slaves in Northern states. What the law actually did was give any white man with a “certificate of ownership” the right to kidnap any “free” Black man, woman or child in the North and force them into slavery. Because of this position, Lincoln received a great deal of criticism from Black abolitionist. Ford Douglas, a runaway slave who accompanied Fredrick Douglas on his anti-slavery tours in the west, blasted Lincoln’s position, saying,

“In regard to the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, Abraham Lincoln occupies the same position that the old wing Party occupied in 1852…. Here, then, is Abraham Lincoln in favor of carrying out that infamous Fugitive Slave Law, that not only strikes down the liberty of every Black man in the united States, but virtually the liberty of every white man as well, for, under that law, there is not a man in this presence who might not be arrested today upon the simple testimony of one man, and, after an ex-parte trial, hurried off to slavery and chains.”

On April 12, 1861, Southern troops fired on fort Sumter, South Carolina, thus starting the Civil War. The response of the Northerners was electrifying. Millions who had been indifferent or lukewarm to the secession of the South jumped on the bandwagon to defend the Union. But the enthusiasm was short-lived. They already viewed Black workers in the North as competitors for their jobs to the Blacks, refused to enlist in sufficient numbers for the North to win the war. When the draft law was enacted, tens of thousands of white workers in New York took to the streets and brutally beat and murdered every Black person they could find. It has been estimated that between four hundred and a thousand Blacks were killed as a result of the so-called New York draft law riots. Draft riots and the murder of Blacks also took place in other Northern cities.

Lincoln had originally opposed Blacks fighting in the Civil War, Stating:

I admit that slavery is at the root of the rebellion, and at least its sine qua non…. I will also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe…. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine… And then, unquestionably, it would weaken the Rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we could do much with the Blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hand of the Rebels. (History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. II, p. 265.)

Northern states were more than happy at the prospect of Black people fighting in the war. A popular verse published in the newspapers of the day reflected the sentiment of many Northerners:

Some say it is a burnin’ shame

To make the naygurs fight

An’ that the trade o’ bein’ kilt

Belongs but to the white;

But as for me upon me sowl,

So liberal are we here,

I’ll let Sambo be murthered in place o’ meself

On every day in the year.

It was not until 1863 that Lincoln in fact issued the emancipation Proclamation. But the document had very little immediate effect. It freed slaves only in the confederated states; the slaves in states loyal to the Union remained slaves. Lincoln clearly did not believe Black could live in the u.s. as equal citizens. In the Lincoln-Douglas debates, he stated:

“If all earthly power were given to me, I should not know what to do as to the existing institution. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves and send them to Liberia to their own native land. But a moment’s reflection would convince me that, whatever of high hope….. there may be in this, in the long run its sudden execution is impossible… What then? Free them all and keep them among us as underlings? It is quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not hold one in slavery  at any rate, yet the point is not clear enough for me to denounce people upon. What next? My own feelings will not admit of this, and, if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of white will not.”

Lincoln was a firm believer in the massive exportation people anywhere. In 1865, at the end of the war, he asked General Butler to explore the possibility of using the navy to remove Black people to Haiti or to other areas in the Caribbean and south America.

It’s also important to understand that the Civil War was not fought to free the slaves. It was a war between two economic systems, a war for the power and control of the u.s. by two separate factions of the ruling class: rich, white Southern slave owners and rich, white Northern industrialists. The battle was between a plantation slave economy and an industrial manufacturing economy.

An industrial revolution was taking place in the years before the Civil War. Inventions such as the cotton gin, the telegraph, steamships, transportation, mining, a communication, agriculture, and trade. The amount of goods produced was no longer determined by the number of people working in the process but by the capacity of the machines. Amerika was no longer a country that produced raw material for the manufacturing nations in Europe.

By 1860, the census reports that 1,385,000 people were employed in manufacturing and that one-sixth of the whole population was directly supported by manufacturing. The number was much higher when clerks, transportation workers, and merchants were added.

As manufacturing centers began to grow, European immigrants were imported as source of cheap labor. More than five million entered the u.s. between 1820 and 1860. Although the South had many cotton mills functioning, the factories were small and their numbers grew slowly. In 1850, the value of manufactured goods produced in the Northern “free” states was four time the output of the Southern “slave” states. And with the rise of industry came the rise of economic crisis and the treat of industrial collapse.

Even though there had been economic crises in the past, people had generally lived on farms and the economic depressions didn’t create such a great hardship for the masses. But with many people living in cities, economic crises meant unemployment and no way to pay for food, clothing , and shelter. The first big crash came in 1825, followed by further depression in 1829, 1837, 1847, and a severe depression in 1856. The recession in 1857 almost completely destroyed the early labor movement. The poverty in Northern and Southern cities was staggering. Rags, filth, squalor, hunger, and misery were words used to describe the ghettos of the 1800s.

To solve the problem in industrial cities, many called for reforms such as the abolition of debtors’ prison, an end to the laws that kept white men who did not own property from voting, free education, the right to strike, an end to child labor, establishment of a ten-hour workday, and granting of land in the west to poor people in the cities. Big business proposed the expansion of capitalism and industry to other parts of the country. And this was where Northern capitalists clashed with Southern slave owners.

Northern capitalists wanted new states to enter the union as “free” states. Slave owners wanted new states to enters the Union as “slave” state. To maintain a balance of power, the North and the south had entered into several compromises. The main one was the Missouri Compromise. Northern capitalist were afraid slave owners would open factories and produce goods more cheaply because they didn’t have to pay for labor. White workers were afraid of losing their jobs because of slavery. Southern plantation owners of course, wanted the system of slavery to expand across the country.

All the difference between the North and the South were economic, not moral. For capitalists to control the economy the political system, the slave system had to be defeated.

In 1856, the newborn Republican Party ran Abraham Lincoln, a former whig, as their first presidential candidate. He lost. In 1860, he ran again with a strong, three-platform:

  1. To shut slavery out of the territories
  2. To establish large protective tariffs.
  3. To enact a homestead law giving a medium-size farm free to anyone willing to till the land.

The platform was designed to appeal to rich Northern capitalists, poor white laborers, farmers and abolitionists. For only a tiny portion of the population was the abolition of slavery a moral issue and the overwhelming majority of the white people who supported the abolition of slavery or who fought in the Union’s army did so because they believed it was in their interests, not for love or concern for Black People.

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As riders to the foregoing, the brazen and deliberate distortion of history lays bare for all to see. The assertion that relying on other races’ version of our history defies logic and counterproductive, is not beyond reality.

We as Africans both at home and in Diaspora must out obscurity, and obstacles write, teach our history (our-story) as we deem fit and necessary. Not for the sake of doing so but for paramount objective of historical accuracy, profound self-knowledge and forging a brighter future for ourselves and our future descendants.

I hope by bringing to light this historical fact edited out of history books, knocked into oblivion, it shatters the myths and misconception about African American history.

Kush

Young African Pioneers.

Ngugi wa Thiong’o: The Language of African Literature ~

Ngugi wa Thiong’o: The Language of African Literature ~

 

The following is mainly based on the first chapter of Ngugi’s “Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature” (1986):

 

Ngugi wa Thiong’o, a Kenyan writer, says that African writers should write in their mother tongues, not in the old colonial languages of English, French and Portuguese. He used to write in English, but now he mostly writes in Gikuyu.

 

In most of the world writers write in their mother tongue. That this point is even debated in Africa shows just how screwed up Africa has become by Europe and America.

 

The two main uses of language:

 

Language as communication: This is the “pass the salt” level of language. Language used to work together and get things done.

Language as culture: Language expresses and carries the culture of a people. It becomes the storehouse of its images, ideas, wisdom, experience and history. It ties you to your people, it becomes part of who you are. It shapes how you look at the world and yourself.

The trouble is, many Africans grew up as children in their mother tongue but received their higher education in a colonial language. Higher education is not just science and mathematics but also literature and philosophy and art – and therefore a certain way of looking at the world. In this case a Western, Eurocentric one.

 

This leads to colonial alienation:

 

You become “torn between two worlds”. You see yourself through the eyes of others. Your mother tongue, your people, their culture, all become a point of shame for you.

You are cut off from your people, which means you cannot help them break their chains, overthrow the neo-colonial order and free everyone.

Your people are cut off from you, robbed of your work and talent as you become part of a neo-colonial culture. You wind up either serving a foreign culture and its interests or, at best, sinking into bitterness and despair.

It is a cage that helps no one but Europeans and Americans.

 

Chinua Achebe, a Nigerian writer of English expression, disagrees:

 

Colonial language as lingua franca: It is often the only language that can reach the whole country, like English in Nigeria or Portuguese in Angola.

Africanization: European languages can be Africanized to serve African ideas and interests – something that Achebe himself does with English.

Ngugi says that Achebe and writers like him are only reaching the middle-class, not the masses. To overthrow the current order you need to reach the masses.

Achebe also keeps his English in a form that Europeans can easily understand. Why? Nigeria already has a thoroughly Africanized form of English which is widely known by the masses – Pidgin. Why not write in that?

 

Europeans understood that it was not enough to take over Africa with guns alone. They also needed to take over the minds of its people. They did that through English and French and Portuguese and the fine educations offered in those languages. Africa’s current condition shows that they have succeeded.

Our Responsibilities.

“What matters is not to know the world but to change it.”
Frantz Fanon

Foremost who are we as Young African Pioneers and what are our responsibilities as Young African Pioneers? If you are young African identified with African struggle against oppression, neo-colonialism, imperialism, mis-leadership, mis-education, hypocrisy and white supremacy then without doubt you are Young African Pioneer.

As Young African Pioneer what are our responsibilities?

One of our responsibilities is simply to bring about change: our single most important aim of existence and our primary objective. When we talk of change, we do not talk of cosmetic change that leave intact structures of oppression, neo-colonialism, imperialism, mis-leadership, mis-education, hypocrisy and white supremacy, but a radical change that destroy from the foundation of these structures in order for us to effectively elevate Africa/Africans beyond their current sad state and place Africa in her rightful position of world power to be reckon with. This change we talk of is Unified Socialist Africa.

How do we bring about this change?

  • “We must unite or perish.”

We will bring about the change Unified Socialist Africa by following to the letter ideas of Kwame Nkrumah to achieve the cardinal objectives of Pan Africanism.

By strongly up holding the Nkrumahism an authentic and independent ideology born out of African cultural and historical experience, with principles of humanism, egalitarianism, and collectivism, is the guide toward socialism and Pan-Africanism as objectives.

It is long overdue for African states to unite politically and pull their economic resources together in order to guarantee maximum survival of Africa/Africans, to protect Africa’s resources from the predatory western nations, and to effectively tackle imperialism and neo-colonialism.

“So many blessings flow from our unity; so many disasters must follow on our continued disunity. The hour of history which has brought us to this assembly is a revolutionary hour. It is the hour of decision. The masses of the people of Africa are crying for unity. The people of Africa call for the breaking down of the boundaries that keep them apart. They demand an end to the border disputes between sister African states – disputes that arise out of the artificial barriers raised by colonialism. It was colonialism’s purpose that divided us. It was colonialism’s purpose that left us with our border irredentism, that rejected our ethnic and cultural fusion.” –Kwame Nkrumah.

 

  • Another responsibility of ours is the continuous study of our history (our-story as opposed to his-story).

As Young African Pioneers, we must be grounded in our history in order for us to acquaint ourselves with knowledge of what we have been, what we are now, and what we can still be in the future. Sound knowledge of our history will give us the basis to measure how low we have fallen and how we can get back to our feet. It’s pertinent to point out and to further emphasize that our history did not start in slavery or colonialism.

Starting African history with slavery and colonialism is considered crime against humanity, assault on psyche of Africans and attempt to commit mental genocide against Africans. Before there was any other history there was African history yet this history has barely been told or rigorously study. This is not to oversimplify slavery and colonialism and their respective legacies, but to simply bring to light that side of African history that is barely known by majority of Africans and the world at large.

  • Positive portrayal of Africa and Africans is also important in list of our responsibilities.

The constant negative portrayal of Africa/Africans in global media is racist, stereotypic, unfair and unjust. African is frequently portrayed as a place of violence, war, poverty, misery and “dark continent” where “civilized” people should avoid.

This constant negative portrayal also account for some of the reasons why people of Africans descent scattered around the world do not want to be identified with Africa or be associated with Africa/Africans. In the global media Africa is portrayed as a place in dire need of charity of the west which give license to fraudsters often known as missionaries who exploit un-suspecting populace in the name of giving charity to Africa.

The positive portrayal of Africa image to the rest of the world as a place of political and economic significance is our responsibility, a responsibility we owe our people which we must discharge.

To cap it all elements of African culture will also be promoted to better appreciate and understand African culture among Africans worldwide. Anywhere we find ourselves as Young African Pioneers, we must be proud to promote our culture since we are ambassadors of motherland.

Our activity: Every once in a month a book will be uploaded for Young African Pioneers to study in order to better our understanding of the struggle and to arm us with necessary knowledge required.

“Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it.”
Frantz Fanon

Kush

Young African Pioneers.